The next big thing in Tunisia

Full blown Islam, with the attendant sharia is the future of Tunisia, as told by the Ennahda Islamist Party, Some say they are moderate, others claim they are just another incarnation of everything wrong with Islam. It does appear they are poised to take the reins, and the fear is they will become as Islamic as possible. Whatever the outcome of the election, we are assured of problems and the attendant costs involved, including lives.

From CBS News October 16

Tunisia Islamists set for big election gains

(AP) TUNIS, Tunisia — As the land that launched the Arab Spring heads into historic elections next

week, all eyes are on the long-repressed Islamists — and whether a big victory for them will irrevocably

change this North African nation and inspire similar conservative movements around the region.

Many fear that despite vows to uphold democracy, Tunisia's Islamist Ennahda Party is bent on imposing

a theocracy that would roll back hard-won secularism and women's rights. Others see an opportunity to

bring a moderate form of political Islam into the Arab world — one styled after the successful ruling party

in thriving Turkey.

The Ennahda Party was brutally crushed by overthrown dictator Ben Ali in the 1990s, a policy tacitly

approved by Western powers wary of militant Islam. Now, in the Oct. 23 election, it is set to become the

largest party in the assembly that will write the nation's new constitution — largely because it is the best-

organized force in the country.

Unlike many Islamist groups in the region, Ennahda has explicitly pledged to champion democratic

values and women's rights, but its secular critics warn the party has a secret agenda to impose hardline

Islam.

These fears have been inflamed by the appearance of new ultraconservative groups known as Salafists

that have attacked movie theaters and TV stations for showing material they say denigrates Islam.

Once in power, many warn, Ennahda would swiftly seek to put its Islamist stamp on this tourist-friendly

nation of 10 million. Tunisia's post-independence 1956 personal status code was unique in the Middle

East and outlawed polygamy, mandated the woman's approval to get married and set limits on the man's

power to divorce. It also declared men and women to be equal in terms of rights and citizenship.


In January, Tunisians stunned the world with a monthlong popular uprising that overthrew a seemingly

entrenched dictator, inspiring similar revolutions across the Middle East.

How the country's nearly 100 political parties compete in elections and then work together afterward will

be key for Tunisia and other countries such as Egypt and Libya, which followed Tunisian protesters' lead

and overthrew their own dictators.

In Egypt, since its own uprising early this year, the Muslim Brotherhood has been allowed to form a party

of its own after decades of repression. In Algeria, however, religious parties remain repressed after nearly

winning elections in 1991 — a prospect that led to an army crackdown and years of deadly Islamic

insurgency.

Ennahda has endorsed the personal status code and its platform lays down the right of women to

"equality, education, work and participation in public life"; party founder Rachid Ghannouchi has

emphasized they would work with both religious observant and non-observant Tunisians and cooperate

with other political forces.

"We seek a consensus with the other parties because we believe that Tunisia must have a coalition

government for the next five years, because the situation in the country cannot be handled by a single

party," Ghannouchi said in an interview in August.

The party said it seeks to create 590,000 jobs over the next five years and reduce the unemployment rate to

8.5 percent, down from 14.4 percent. Unemployment was central to the complaints of the protesters

earlier this year.

Critics, however, urge no one to be fooled by a party they say says one thing publicly and another to its

supporters, masking a hardcore religious agenda.

They allege the group is behind the attacks by the Salafists, which they refuse to completely disavow.

"They engage in double talk, progressive and reactionary, to pursue a double strategy, both peaceful and

violent," said Hamadi Redissi, co-founder of the Geneva-based Center for Arab Research and Analysis.

"The country is in a state of extreme fragility and it agitates then excuses itself."

On Oct. 9, hundreds of Salafists marched on a private television station that had shown the animated

movie "Persepolis," which they deemed sacrilegious for its portrayal of God. Marjane Satrapi's film about

growing up during and after Iran's 1979 Islamic Revolution won the jury prize at the 2007 Cannes Film

Festival. On Friday, a mob attacked the home of the station's owner following a protest against the film

that attracted thousands.

On Sunday, there was a counter demonstration by 2,000 people marching through downtown Tunis in

favor of a secular state and condemning Islamist violence — pointing to growing polarization ahead of

elections.

Ennahda condemned the violence but at the same time spoke out against the "attacks on beliefs and

sacred symbols," referring to the movie.

In his interview, Ghannouchi described the Salafists and other religious parties as "brothers," while

But some Western observers say the party's mixed message may be more old-fashioned electioneering than

an insidious plot to trick Tunisia into a theocracy.

Just like U.S. politicians who have one message for the party base and another for centrists,

Ennahda's candidates may be tailoring their message to their different audiences, said Chris Alexander, a

Tunisia expert at Davidson College.

"For electoral purposes, they need Ennahda to be a fairly big tent," he said.

Knowing how people will vote in a country with no history of free elections is a challenge. Polling — a

new phenomenon here — has shown that while half of the electorate is undecided, roughly a quarter of

Tunisians would vote for Ennahda, suggesting it could take between a quarter and a third of the

constituent assembly.

It's a pretty impressive tally for a party that was hounded out of existence in the early 1990s, with

thousands of its members imprisoned on terrorism and other charges, or driven into exile.

Ennahda certainly had its flirtation with violence. Extremist elements of the group carried out attacks

against the government in the late 1980s and early 1990s during the heavy crackdown, but since that

time the leadership has repeatedly eschewed violence.

And in the years since, the group kept a skeleton organization throughout the country, usually carrying

out charitable works for families of the detained.

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